Bring Down Dictatorship

Achieving a society with both freedom and peace is of course no simple task. It will require great strategic skill, organization, and planning. Above all, it will require power. Democrats cannot hope to bring down a dictatorship and establish political freedom without the ability to apply their own power effectively.

But how is this possible? What kind of power can the democratic opposition mobilize that will be sufficient to destroy the dictatorship and its vast military and police networks? The answers lie in an often ignored understanding of political power. Learning this insight is not really so difficult a task. Some basic truths are quite simple.

Local Candidates Need to Withdraw Support from Fascism

Local candidates and MLAs must withdraw their support from any party that promotes fascism. Fascist governments play a dangerous game by attempting to take over every possible institution. People need to stop supporting local candidates affiliated with parties that endorse fascism. Local candidates can join any party, including independent ones, but not a fascist party. Remember, in a one-party dictatorship, local candidates have little power, so why vote for them? Democracy is about making decisions by consensus, listening to everyone, not decisions made by a single supreme leader. Remember how a dictator gains power. All support systems for a dictator need to be dismantled. Bring down dictatorship.

Necessary sources of political power

The principle is simple. Dictators require the assistance of the people they rule, without which they cannot secure and maintain the sources of political power. These sources of political power include:

Authority, the belief among the people that the regime is legitimate, and that they have a moral duty to obey it;

Human resources, the number and importance of the persons and groups which are obeying, cooperating, or providing assistance to the rulers;

Skills and knowledge, needed by the regime to perform specific actions and supplied by the cooperating persons and groups;

Intangible factors, psychological and ideological factors that may induce people to obey and assist the rulers;

Material resources, the degree to which the rulers control or have access to property, natural resources, financial resources, the economic system, and means of communication and transportation; and

Sanctions, punishments, threatened or applied, against the disobedient and noncooperative to ensure the submission and cooperation that are needed for the regime to exist and carry out its policies.

All of these sources, however, depend on acceptance of the regime, on the submission and obedience of the population, and on the cooperation of innumerable people and the many institutions of the society. These are not guaranteed.

Full cooperation, obedience, and support will increase the availability of the needed sources of power and, consequently, expand the power capacity of any government.

On the other hand, withdrawal of popular and institutional cooperation with aggressors and dictators diminishes, and may sever, the availability of the sources of power on which all rulers depend.

Without availability of those sources, the rulers’ power weakens and finally dissolves.

Naturally, dictators are sensitive to actions and ideas that threaten their capacity to do as they like. Dictators are therefore likely to threaten and punish those who disobey, strike, or fail to cooperate.

However, that is not the end of the story. Repression, even brutalities, do not always produce a resumption of the necessary degree of submission and cooperation for the regime to function.

If, despite repression, the sources of power can be restricted or severed for enough time, the initial results may be uncertainty and confusion within the dictatorship. That is likely to be followed by a clear weakening of the power of the dictatorship. Over time, the withholding of the sources of power can produce the paralysis and impotence of the regime, and in severe cases, its disintegration. The dictators’ power will die, slowly or rapidly, from political starvation.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the struggle against authoritarianism necessitates a unified front comprising citizens, elected officials, and local representatives. It requires a concerted effort to undermine the sources of power upon which dictators depend, thereby weakening their stranglehold on society.

By refusing to support local candidates affiliated with authoritarian regimes, citizens can disrupt the regime's access to essential resources and undermine its authority. Democracy thrives on consensus and inclusive decision-making, not unilateral edicts from a supreme leader.

Remember, the power of a dictatorship lies not in its inherent strength, but in the acquiescence and compliance of the governed. Through collective action and steadfast resistance, we can dismantle the foundations of tyranny and usher in an era of genuine democratic governance. It is incumbent upon us all to stand firm in defense of liberty, justice, and the rule of law.

The “Monkey Master” fable

A Fourteenth Century Chinese parable by Liu-Ji, for example, outlines this neglected understanding of political power quite well: In the feudal state of Chu an old man survived by keeping monkeys in his service. The people of Chu called him “ju gong” (monkey master).Each morning, the old man would assemble the monkeys in his courtyard, and order the eldest one to lead the others to the mountains to gather fruits from bushes and trees. It was the rule that each monkey had to give one-tenth of his collection to the old man. Those who failed to do so would be ruthlessly flogged. All the monkeys suffered bitterly, but dared not complain.

One day, a small monkey asked the other monkeys: “Did the old man plant all the fruit trees and bushes?” The others said: “No, they grew naturally.” The small monkey further asked: “Can’t we take the fruits without the old man’s permission?” The others replied: “Yes, we all can.” The small monkey continued: “Then, why should we depend on the old man; why must we all serve him?” Before the small monkey was able to finish his statement, all the monkeys suddenly became enlightened and awakened.

On the same night, watching that the old man had fallen asleep, the monkeys tore down all the barricades of the stockade in which they were confined, and destroyed the stockade entirely. They also took the fruits the old man had in storage, brought all with them to the woods, and never returned. The old man finally died of starvation. Yu-li-zi says, “Some men in the world rule their people by tricks and not by righteous principles. Aren’t they just like the monkey master? They are not aware of their muddle headedness. As soon as their people become enlightened, their tricks no longer work.”

From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation

CANVAS Core Curriculum: A Guide to Effective Nonviolent Struggle

THE MONOLITHIC MODEL

The monolithic model describes the system authoritarians want you to perceive as being solid and unmovable like a mountain. This model promotes the idea of a fixed power structure, as if nothing could be changed except the per- son or people at the top. Whoever the person on the top of the power structure is, he/she has power over society. The decisions he/she makes today become a reality for the entire society tomorrow. The person or people at the top can be changed - through a revolution, a war, or a coup - but the model remains the same: whoever gets to the top of the mountain ends up controlling all power in society. You can break small pieces away by attacking this mono- lith with your actions or campaigns... But the mountain of power is still there.

You can create positive change in society, if you have the right person at the top! - says the regime...

Still, there’s only one problem with this model.

THIS MODEL OF POLITICAL POWER IS NOT TRUE!

Power does not function this way. No matter how many times an authoritarian or others tell you that it does, reality teaches us something else.

THE PLURALISTIC MODEL

However monolithic or fixed it may appear in the previous model, the nature of power is actually diametrically differ- ent. In a society, power can change very swiftly. It is fragile and dispersed. Wherever people are, the ultimate reality of power is the same. Power in society ultimately comes from the people. And those people - each of whom is a small, individual source of political power - can change their minds.

Rulers only have that power which people provide to them.

Power can be given to the ruler willingly, like in democratic societies, or people can be coerced to give it, against their own will, or they can simply be apathetic, and relinquish that power because they don’t care and they don’t think their actions can lead to any change. This is why nonviolent campaigns are so important: They make people aware that their actions CAN and DO make change. This is especially true when people are unified and act together in nonviolent and strategically coordinated ways.

Obedience

Why is obedience regarded as the “heart of political power”? The answer is simple: if the people do not obey, the ruler cannot rule. Strategies for nonviolent struggle are based upon this insight. Mechanisms and methods of nonviolent struggle, exercised through actions and campaigns, are exclusively targeted towards the withdrawal of support that people provide to your opponent.

In order to motivate people to withdraw their consent from your opponent, you should understand why people choose to obey in the first place. There are at least ten reasons why people choose to obey, even when they disagree with the existing system elaborated in the book:

Self-interest: People may actively support an oppressive regime due to the material benefits, jobs, or other privileges they receive in return for their obedience.
Habit: From childhood, individuals are conditioned to obey authority figures such as parents, teachers, and superiors. Obedience becomes a habit, and people tend to follow rules and those in uniform out of habit.
Fear of sanctions: Violating laws or rules can result in various punishments, including fines, harassment, job loss, imprisonment, or even execution. The fear of these consequences keeps people obedient.
Indifference: Some people obey simply because they believe the cost of non-compliance is not worth the trouble. They may also consider themselves "apolitical" or indifferent to politics.
Absence of self-confidence: Decades of authoritarian rule or oppression can lead to a lack of self-confidence in people's ability to bring about change. They may feel they lack the decision-making experience or leadership skills necessary to challenge the status quo.
Moral obligation: Some individuals feel a moral duty to obey the laws or respect authority, even if they disagree with the ruler or the system. They may believe that maintaining order or respecting the law is for the common good of society.
Psychological identification with the ruler: People may identify with the ruler as an extension of their family or feel loyal to the regime or system, similar to their loyalty to a favorite sports team. They may have shared historical experiences that foster this loyalty.
Superhuman factors: In some societies, rulers are attributed god-like or superhuman characteristics. Disobeying such figures is seen as sacrilegious or disrespectful. This can range from ancient beliefs in the "divine right of kings" to ideological leaders like Adolf Hitler or Mao Zedong.
Helplessness and hopelessness: After witnessing failed resistance attempts or living under harsh repression, people may feel a sense of helplessness and hopelessness. They may believe that change is impossible and that obedience is the only option.
Following the majority: Some individuals conform to the behavior of the majority out of peer pressure or a desire to fit in. If they see that most people are obeying, they may follow suit.

Understanding these factors is crucial for nonviolent movements seeking to challenge oppressive regimes or bring about social change. By addressing these reasons for obedience and providing alternative sources of loyalty and influence, nonviolent movements can shift people's loyalties and encourage them to withdraw their support from the opponent.

Activating nonviolent power

Activating nonviolent power involves understanding the mechanisms of change that impact power dynamics between a nonviolent movement and its opponent. According to Dr. Gene Sharp, there are four mechanisms of change: conversion, accommodation, coercion, and disintegration. These mechanisms can be activated through nonviolent actions to challenge oppressive regimes or bring about social change.

Conversion occurs when an opponent willingly adopts the demands of the nonviolent movement due to practical, ethical, or ideological reasons. It involves a change in the opponent's views or a desire to improve their public standing.
Accommodation happens when the opponent makes a cost-benefit analysis and chooses to compromise rather than face continued resistance. The nonviolent movement gains power and builds a winning record, influencing the opponent's decision-making.
Coercion takes place when the opponent is forced, against their will, to meet the demands of the nonviolent movement. The opponent loses effective control as a result of widespread noncooperation and defiance. However, some or all of the opponent's officials may still retain their positions.
Disintegration occurs when the opponent's system of rule completely falls apart due to sustained and widespread noncooperation and nonviolent disruption. The nonviolent movement must maintain momentum during this process to prevent the opponent from re-establishing control.

The choice of mechanism depends on the specific context and phase of the nonviolent struggle. Different mechanisms may be applied to different groups within the opponent's pillars of support. For example, conversion may work better for enlisted troops, accommodation for middle ranks, and coercion for the inner circle loyal to the regime.

Understanding these mechanisms of change is crucial for strategic planning and decision-making in a nonviolent movement. By activating these mechanisms through nonviolent actions, movements can effectively challenge power structures and bring about positive social change.

“Fool, don’t you see? I’m the type of man that can put a sword through you without blinking an eye.”

To which the master calmly said, “don’t you see? I’m the type of man who can have a sword put through him without blinking an eye.”

That’s what true freedom is, isn’t it?

To be without fear.

India: extreme inequality in numbers

Let's look at the numbers in India

1%	The top 10% of the Indian population holds 77% of the total national wealth. 73% of the wealth generated in 2017 went to the richest 1%, while *670 million Indians who comprise the poorest half of the population saw only a 1% increase in their wealth.
70	There are 119 billionaires in India. Their number has increased from only 9 in 2000 to 101 in 2017. Between 2018 and 2022, India is estimated to produce 70 new millionaires every day.
10x	Billionaires' fortunes increased by almost 10 times over a decade and their total wealth is higher than the entire Union budget of India for the fiscal year 2018-19, which was at INR 24422 billion.
63 M	Many ordinary Indians are not able to access the health care they need. 63 million of them are pushed into poverty because of healthcare costs every year - almost two people every second.
941 yrs	It would take 941 years for a minimum wage worker in rural India to earn what the top paid executive at a leading Indian garment company earns in a year.

Oxfam Report: India: extreme inequality in numbers

Why Is Democracy Worth Defending?

Here is the research-based case for majority rule and minority protections.

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